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The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) last week announced a lawsuit filed against WalMart alleging religious discrimination for failure to accommodate than employee’s religious scheduling requirements. The company refused the request of Edward Hedican, a Seventh-Day Adventist, to not work between sundown on Friday and sundown Saturday. In its announcement, the EEOC made clear this was not Walmart’s first violation. "The EEOC has sued Walmart in the past for this very type of religious discrimination," said Gregory Gochanour, regional attorney for the EEOC’s Chicago District. "An employer of Walmart’s size and resources should know that the law requires employers to accommodate employees’ religious beliefs, or at least make a sincere effort to accommodate them. Julianne Bowman, district director of the EEOC’s Chicago District, said, "Where an employer’s scheduling conflicts with an employee’s religious beliefs, the employer must try to find an accommodation that eliminates the conflict, if it can do so without undue hardship. But the EEOC found during its investigation that Walmart rescinded Mr. Hedican’s offer rather than even try to accommodate him.
In a series of videos posted on her social media, Johnson recalled how Winans walked by her without speaking. She said, "I don’t care whose spiritual father he is. He could have been mine, but no. He wanted to go past me like I was a peasant! Walked right past me like I was a peasant … and you ain’t even know! I’m a product of you! But it’s all good, though. Reportedly, Essence canceled her appearance during a group performance honoring Dottie Peoples. ] the gospel part of the Essence Festival, apparently, me speaking my right — I have an amendment right … and that’s freedom of speech.
So my freedom of speech caused me not to be at the gospel part of the Essence Festival. ’ I said that. In a longer video, Johnson tore into church politics, saying, "Everybody making money — those that are on top in the church. Y’all the dumb asses, y’all sitting there — y’all see y’all pastors living good. Some people accused the 35-year-old of being intoxicated, which has not been confirmed. I offended many people with my previous video post. That is undeniable, and I accept full responsibility for what I communicated out of frustration. After serious personal reflection, I recognized that through my being offended, I have caused offense. The fire that consumed so much emotion, time and energy, has illuminated a light that can no longer be hid; one of personal transparency and self reflection.
Sometimes it seems like there are two Americas: evangelical America and the rest of us. Reports often highlight conservative political trends in the evangelical community as if they have nothing to do with those outside of that faith community. Religious conservatives, particularly white evangelicals, are regularly cast as outliers in U.S. President Trump despite his moral transgressions. Data from PRRI show that white evangelicals consistently exhibit the highest support for Trump and most conservative viewpoints of all religious groups. But after spending the last decade studying evangelicals for my book, Immigrants, Evangelicals, and Politics in an Era of Demographic Change, I am convinced that evangelicals do not represent a separate or wholly unique force in the United States. Rather, they exemplify current trends in American political life around race and difference, only in a more intense way. Evangelicals embody U.S. racial attitudes on steroids.
Progressives often express horror at the deep conservatism of white evangelicals, but they fail to note that this conservatism is not only a function of religion. In my book, which included analysis from a 2016 survey my colleagues and I conducted of more than 10,000 people, I show that support for Trump was higher among non-evangelical whites than among evangelical black, Latino, or Asian Americans. That is, the most religiously conservative non-whites tend to be less conservative than whites who don’t identify as religiously conservative. This fact shows that conservative political attitudes are not just a function of religion. They are, perhaps mostly, a function of race. Similarly, Latino evangelicals tend to be more conservative on abortion than white evangelicals, but much less likely to support Trump or a Republican House member. The racial divides among evangelicals in the United States are strong and persistent across many issues.
Black, Latino, and Asian American evangelicals were not only less likely to support Trump in 2016, they are much more progressive than white evangelicals on taxing the rich and providing federal funding to aid the poor. Non-white evangelicals diverge even more starkly from white evangelicals when it comes to immigration and race in the United States. White evangelicals are at least twice as likely as blacks, Latinos, or Asian Americans to believe "immigrants hurt the economy" or to oppose Black Lives Matter. At the same time, I found that white evangelicals were reluctant to acknowledge or talk about race. A middle-aged, white evangelical man who was interviewed for my book said he only thought about race "because I’m forced to … We’re forced to think about things in racial terms.
There has been a great deal of speculation about whether younger white evangelicals will break with their parents’ generation when it comes to politics. But, political scientist Ryan Burge’s analysis of a large-scale study of more than 60,000 people shows that young white evangelicals identify with the Republican Party at about the same rate as their older counterparts. Further, Burge shows that while young white evangelicals with at least a two-year college degree showed very high levels of support for Trump in 2016, they were not outliers. In the two-party contest, a majority of white, college-educated people showed strong support for the president. It’s pretty clear at this point that economic disenfranchisement is not the driving force behind white evangelicals’ conservative politics.
Rather, the primary driver in my view is a sense of "racial embattlement." I find that half of all evangelical whites believe that whites face as much or more discrimination as Muslims in the United States. This strong perception of racial threat goes a long way to explaining their conservative political attitudes, even after accounting for partisanship and conservative attitudes about the role of government. While that seems like a large proportion of people, I also find that more than 35 percent of all non-evangelical whites hold these views. This sense of white racial embattlement is not just an evangelical thing. More recent data confirm similar findings. Take the issue of racial inequality in the United States. Over the course of my research, my team and I visited 60 evangelical churches and interviewed more than 70 white, black, Latino and Asian American evangelicals.
These churches ranged from a megachurch in Houston that regularly drew more than 8,000 worshippers to a small, Bible-based church in Santa Monica, California. We visited store-front churches in downtown Los Angeles and Pentecostal churches in the suburbs of Southern California. We rarely heard discussion of politics from pastors in the pulpit. We did not see explicit political materials or messages circulating. Could it be that religious leaders and institutions house, mediate, and incubate, rather than ignite, political views? That would be consistent with recent research that University of Pennsylvania political scientist, Michele Margolis, puts forward in her recent book, From Politics to the Pews. Margolis argues that under certain conditions, political attitudes exert a strong influence on religious attitudes and identity.
This assertion, based on Margolis’ analysis of survey data and survey-based experiments, flies in the face of long-held assumptions about the ways in which religious commitments move people’s political passions. The bottom line is that the racial divides and racial anxieties we see in evangelical America are not so different from the views of white Americans more generally. I speculate that these attitudes are more extreme than those of other white Americans because their fears of demographic change are even more exaggerated than other whites. A narrative of religious persecution runs deep in white evangelical theological circles. Believers expect to be attacked for their religious commitments. Janelle Wong is professor of American studies and Asian American studies at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is also a PRRI (Public Religion Research Institute) Public Fellow.
A majority of registered voters in a new a new Hill-HarrisX poll say Muslims and Jews face more discrimination than other religious groups in the U.S. Eighty-five percent of respondents said Muslims face discrimination, while 15 percent said they face almost no discrimination or no discrimination at all in the U.S. Seventy-nine percent also said Jews face discrimination, with 21 percent disagreeing. Fewer respondents — 61 percent — said Christians are discriminated against, with 39 percent saying they face little to no discrimination. Atheists are perceived to face even less discrimination, with 55 percent of those surveyed saying atheists face discrimination in the U.S., compared with 45 percent who said there is no discrimination against atheists.
The poll results come amid this week's debate in the House over allegations of anti-Semitic language by Rep. Ilhan OmarIlhan OmarBernie Sanders campaign aide apologizes for 'insensitive' comments about 'dual allegiance' to Israel Rep. Omar and anti-Semitic distractions Several advertisers cut ties to Fox News shows hosted by Pirro, Carlson MORE (D-Minn.). The chamber later passed a resolution Thursday that condemns hatred and bigotry, including anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. The measure was drafted after Omar sparked controversy with remarks about Israel that were condemned by members of her own party. I do think that the backlash that she's gotten for her statements, which should have been called out, I would say, has been disproportionate compared to other similarly situated people.
It’s not easy to discuss "hot" political topics without getting, well, hot under the collar. He’s encouraging Lake Houston residents to participate in "Community Conversations" on March 12 and April 24 at Kingwood Christian Church, 3910 W. Lake Houston Pkwy. "We don’t talk to each other enough to understand why we disagree and what assumptions and values drive us to our opinions," he said. Theis is a professor of political science at Lone Star College-Kingwood and director of their Center for Engagement. He’s encouraging Lake Houston residents to participate in the series, joining with fellow Lake Houston neighbors in making tough choices and discussing difficult issues. On March 12, the difficult issue will be "A House Divided," and on April 24, the issue is "Keeping America Safe." There is no charge and sandwiches will be served.
These "Community Conversations" are based on a similar series Theis led for several years at Lone Star’s Kingwood campus and, a year ago, at Kingwood Christian Church. "I asked people I know to round up 10 Democrats and 10 Republicans. "We’re a safe space," Mattingly said about his church. "Our vision is to be more than a building but a space for open-minded dialogues. Theis believes that most Americans are not able to talk through diverse perspectives. "I hope participants will gain a better sense of what causes us to disagree with each other and where we have common ground," Theis said. "Conversations" will not have speakers or presenters. "Participants will deliberate and make choices with each other about ways to approach difficult issues - like security and divisiveness - and to work toward creating reasoned public judgment," he said.
Deliberative dialogues, he said, are an essential public skill, built on the theory that democracy requires us to engage in ongoing deliberation on public matters. "This is the process through which differences are negotiated and group decisions are made," Theis said. Each "Conversation" will be based on books from the National Issues Forum Institute that lay out a set of ground rules. Participants then will discuss each perspective so that they see all perspectives with an eye on where they agree and disagree. "At the end of the two hours, the small groups will each reflect on the themes they’ve determined, look for the next step, and report their thoughts to the entire group," Theis said. At the conclusion of the programs, Theis will survey the participants and send a report to the Kettering Foundation. "My goal, then, is to schedule more ‘Conversations,’ one every two months," he said. "We have a ‘hollowed-out’ view of citizens as voters," said Theis. "We’ve always approached our civic duty to just vote and then let our elected officials fix our problems.
The two churches are feuding over whether a Ukrainian Orthodox Church can be autocephalous, or independently governed, without Russian Orthodox consent. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church has been under Russian Orthodox authority, but a Ukrainian nationalist movement birthed a new Orthodox Church, one outside Moscow’s authority. That new entity, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Kiev Patriarchate (UOC-KP), was universally unrecognized in Orthodoxy until this month, when Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople recognized its validity independent from the Russian Orthodox Church. Russia’s annexation of the Crimean peninsula and other recent conflicts between the two countries had led a robust nationalist movement of clergy and politicians to seek recognition of an independent Ukrainian church, sparking Bartholomew’s decision. Patriarch Kirill of Moscow responded to Bartholomew’s recognition by ceasing communion with Constantinople.
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